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This might be an indication that there is no difference between the absolute productivity I claim for PNC and the “cline of productivity” in derivation. I have no fieldwork experience with Iroquoian, so I will take Mithun at her word regarding Iroquoian. Regarding Eskimo, my experience with native speakers is rather different from that of Mithun’s. Some of my CSY consultants could indeed tell whether they had heard a particular morphological construction, but others could not tell, and others even thought that the question was absurd.

However, variable order between an inflectional element and a derivational element is also possible, as shown in the WA examples. This sort of variable order is not relevant to my claim about PNC. Feature [5], interaction with external syntax, is best illustrated with noun-incorporating suffixes in CSY, in (8). ’ As Sadock (1980, 1991) has demonstrated on the basis of parallel constructions in Greenlandic Eskimo, the element -lgu ‘have N’ (which I would call an element of PNC) acts like a morphologically intransitive verb, and like other intransitive verbs, it can occur with a direct object in an oblique case (here the mod).

In Layered Structure and Reference in a Functional Perspective. Papers from the Functional Grammar Conference in Copenhagen 1990, M. Fortescue, P. Harder & L. Kristofferson (eds), 99–141. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fortescue, M. 1994. Morphology, polysynthetic. In The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, R. E. ), 2600–2602. Oxford: Pergamon. Fortescue, M. 2006. Variations on polysynthesis: West Greenlandic, Chukchi, Koyukon and Nuuchahnulth. Paper presented at the 15th Inuit Studies Conference, Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, 2006.

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